Notes on Health Problems in Ancient Egypt and Nubia: part 2

Part  Two:  Problems With Broken Bones

Throughout time and place people have suffered from fractured, or broken, bones; injury is a part of life!  The ancient Egyptians and Nubians were no exceptions to this fact: from predynastic times right through to Christian and Medieval periods we have evidence of a variety of injuries to both the body and the skull.

 

Patterns of fractures to post-cranial remains (that is on bones other than the skull) in different societies of the world, can be compared; the site of the fracture on these bones may often indicate the cause of the injury.  For example, research has indicated that fractures to the wrist and to the lower ends of the radius and ulna (the lower arm bones) are relatively common in Britain and America (in modern times), as a result of people accidentally falling onto hard surfaces and using outstretched arms to help themselves and this also seems to be reflected in archaeological material in many ancient cultures.  Yet, in ancient Egypt and Nubia we also see a notable number of cases of fractures to the central section of these bones.  This might suggest an intentional blow as the forearm is raised to defend against an aggressive attack (fig. 1).  Commonly, as an assailant approaches, it is a natural instinct for the victim to raise the lower arm to defend the face – a normal human response often resulting in injury to the mid-forearm.  Luckily, such injuries usually heal well, as it is relatively easy to rest the forearm in order to let it heal.

 

Fig. 1: healed fracture to central radius, Gabati, ancient Nubia

 

Many years ago, a researcher suggested that, because quite a large number of such central lower arm fractures had been observed on female bodies excavated from Nubian cemeteries, there must have been a high amount of ‘wife-beating’ in these societies!!!  There is no evidence for this, it was solely his social interpretation of the biological evidence.

 

As stated above, fractures to arm bones usually heal very well, with little shortening of the affected bone.  This was not always the case, however, with fractures to leg bones.  A number of ancient Egyptian cases of fractures to the femur (the upper leg bone) certainly show good healing but there may have been a life-style cost to the person affected!  In modern societies broken legs receive hospital traction treatment or plaster-of-Paris support allowing the bone to heal in the correct position.  However, in ancient times, the real problem with broken leg bones is that the leg would need to be both splinted (supported) and rested. This may not have been practical in Egypt and Nubia, being largely, active agricultural societies.  If the injured person attempted to walk then the weight of the body would displace the fractured bones.  The fractured bone could easily heal but the ends of the bones could ‘overshoot’, thereby mending, by means of a callus, in an incorrect position.  The possible cost  might have been a considerable shortening of the affected leg, perhaps causing an unsteady gait.  Such may have been the case for the individual shown in figure 2, an ancient Egyptian adult – or rather only his leg bone, as the rest of the skeleton is not available.  If only one of his leg bones was injured then, following the healing process, this leg probably would have been shorter than the other.  However, there is always the possibility that both legs were injured in the same traumatic event –  but we shall never know the true situation for this particular individual.

 

Fig. 2: ancient Egyptian fractured femur,
well-healed but misaligned

 

In contrast to post-cranial injures there seems to be more ‘universal’ patterns in head injuries; such injuries occur throughout the world, no matter which ancient civilisation we are considering.  Apart from the defensive arm fractures noted above, the majority of fractures to post-cranial bones were probably accidental.  When we consider head injuries, however, they do seem to be more a result of intentional violence.  Types of head injuries reflect the type of weapon used.  For example, in  a large group of Nubian skulls I studied, the injuries were mostly depressions – some round, some ovoid, others longitudinal (fig. 3).

The injuries on these skulls, from Kerma and dating to the Middle Kingdom, clearly reflect the types of weapons and tools available to that society at that particular period: mallets, throwsticks and maces. There were quite a number of head injuries observed in this population sample – this fact might suggest a quarrelsome group of people or, perhaps, many were involved in war-like activities.

Fig. 3: depressed, healed head injury. Kerma, Nubia.

 

The example shown in figure 3 is an oval-shaped injury probably made by a mace-like weapon,        consistent with the type of weapons available to this community at this period of Nubian history (parallel with the Egyptian 12th and 13th dynasties).  The injury is to the mid-frontal bone roughly at bregma (the point where the coronal and sagittal sutures intersect).  Clearly, the injury has healed during the person’s lifetime – but with what, if any, consequences to his lifestyle?  We cannot know!

 

By contrast, a large group of Egyptian skulls I studied from Giza (catalogued as Gizeh), at the much later period 600 – 300 BC, showed far more serious injuries: gashes, blows and deep penetrating wounds.  Of course this is not surprising, as by this period the ancient Egyptians had developed iron technology resulting in some heavy duty weapons: axes, swords and knives – capable of causing quite massive injuries (fig. 4).

 

In the example shown, a large flap of bone has been ‘lifted’ from the skull on the left frontal bone cutting across the left section of the coronal suture.  After being ‘pressed’ down the injury has healed as evidenced by the smooth raised edges; despite good healing, such injuries will not result in the skull achieving the same smooth contours as before the injury.  Such an injury is consistent with a sharp, efficient sword blade being swung down onto the head in a slicing action thereby lifting up a section of bone.  Here, one might question whether or not the assailant was on horseback – certainly, by this period horses and chariots had been introduced into Egypt by the Hyksos invaders of the 17th dynasty.

Fig. 4: healed head injury. Giza/Gizeh, 600-300 BC.

 

Several other skulls, in this particular series of skulls which I examined, also showed similar injuries to that shown in figure 4.  Indeed, one male had two large slices of bone lifted off the skull, from the right and left frontal bones.  Again, these had healed and, again, leaving behind smooth, raised edges – here one can imagine an upswept sword slicing down on the head in a side-to-side action.

 

As in most ancient cultures, Egyptian and Nubian head injuries were sustained by more men than women – probably because they were more involved in military action and other potential injury-causing events.  However, it must be stressed that I have encountered archaeological examples of females with varying degrees of head injury, both healed and unhealed.  Many Egyptian tomb scenes show men engaged in combat, often with unprotected heads (fig. 5). This particular scene is from an early period of Egyptian history and reflects the types of weapons available at that particular time in history.

Fig. 5: drawing, early Egyptian dynasty battle scene

 

There are countless examples of battle or conflict scenes from ancient Egyptian contexts, all testifying to the types of action undertaken and the range of weapons available to the combatants.

The majority of head injuries were inflicted to the left side of the head indicating a right-handed face-to-face assailant and possibly reflecting the Egyptian preference for right-handedness; some injuries did affect the top part of the head.  My personal research has found injuries to the back and right side of skulls but they seem to be in the minority.  Results from the examination of ancient Egyptian and Nubian head injuries do seem to match events in other cultures with regard to: site of injury, side of injury and the gender of the individuals so afflicted.

Broken bones are interesting to study as they offer an insight into ancient societies.     At times we may feel that, through such injuries, we get a glimpse of the behaviour and attitudes of the peoples of ancient Egypt and Nubia and obtain information about available weapons.

Birds in ancient Egyptian society: some brief notes

Early in 2013, the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds (RSPB) asked people to complete a survey identifying the birds in their gardens here in England.  I filled in my survey and I hope others did too – it is important to record and protect our wildlife.

I thought it would be useful to write a companion piece offering some ideas about the range of birds we have knowledge of from ancient Egypt and so, the following article considers some of the birds from ancient Egypt that I find interesting.  Selected artwork and hieroglyphic signs will be alluded to, as will mummified remains; modern information, where relevant, will also be included.

The ancient Egyptians were keen observers of the world around them, especially the fauna (and flora) and so they employed all manner of creatures, which they observed in their environment, in their artwork and in their hieroglyphic writing system.  Research suggests that more than seventy species of birds can be seen in ancient Egyptian art and, if you consult Alan Gardiner’s Egyptian Grammar  sign-list, you will see he includes 63  hieroglyphs which represent whole birds, or parts of them.

Current research suggests there are some 150 species of birds resident and breeding in Egypt and an additional 300 species visit Egypt, during their migration routes.  What was the situation in ancient times in Egypt?  The wide range of birds in Egyptian art, preserved remains and textual references clearly indicate that the people of Egypt encountered many species of birds and that these birds played an important role in ancient Egyptian society.

The ancient Egyptians built their homes close to water and in so doing became acquainted with the behaviour of the many birds sharing their environment and, as birds migrated, their seemingly erratic behaviour concerned the Egyptians and it is possible they associated it with chaos, a state of affairs abhorrent to this most ordered of civilisations.  Conversely, the many depictions of birds being hunted or captured in containers (see fig. 1) allude to the Egyptian control of their environment and their need for order in their life.

fig. 1: scene from the tomb of Nebamun, captured birds being counted

Yet, interestingly, this occupation (bird catching) was derided in the Middle Kingdom Satire of the Trades, as follows:

The bird-catcher, he is very miserable, when he looks at the denizens of the sky.  If marsh-fowl pass by in the heavens, then he says: ‘Would that I had a net!’, but god does not let it happen to him…….’

Various sources of evidence show birds in Egyptian religious and social settings: let us now consider a few of these denizens of the sky and marsh-fowl in the ancient Egyptian context.

Raptors: falcons and vultures 

Falcons are probably the most frequently represented bird in ancient Egyptian contexts.   Modern tourists arriving in the Temple of Edfu cannot but help notice the magnificent statues of the god Horus, in the form of a falcon, standing proudly in the temple precincts.  The statues are about three metres in height and are fashioned in the round.  Wearing the double crown of Upper and Lower Egypt,  the example in fig. 2  is formed from grey granite and shows the bird in all his natural glory – ever watchful and alert.

fig. 2: statue of Horus,
Temple of Edfu

fig. 3: a modern species of hawk

Throughout the development of Egyptian religion, the god Horus has taken on many forms:  as Re-Harakte, god of the sun travelling daily across the sky and as Horus the Elder (the Greek Haroeris), the god of light, to name two examples.  This latter form of Horus is, perhaps, the one most familiar to those interested in ancient Egyptian religion and myths.  Here he is the celestial falcon and a creator god.  It is difficult to identify, precisely, which actual falcon represented Horus in Egyptian art;  there were several types of falcons in ancient Egypt and, it is possible, that their various features were amalgamated in representations (see fig. 3).  Many authorities, however, have postulated that the Peregrine falcon was the most likely species being depicted.

Horus is often seen protecting the living ruler, with his wings spread around the king’s head, offering advice and guidance.  Horus represented the ideal young man who supported his parents Osiris and Isis;  ever thus, the dutiful son.  Egyptian myths tell us Horus went into battle with his uncle Set (who usurped the throne of Osiris) in order to avenge the death of his father, the rightful king of Egypt.  During the battle Horus loses an eye, thus the wedjat (or udjat) eye, representing this plucked out orbit, has become the best-known protective amulet.  Ancient myths tell us that this amulet was so powerful that, when Horus offered his healed eye to Osiris, his dead father was restored to life. To this day the eye is a powerful protective symbol in Egypt and the Middle East generally and some ancient texts suggest Horus continues this battle throughout eternity in order to protect Egypt from harm.

Egypt is home to various species of vulture: the Griffon, the Lappet-faced and the Egyptian, and these are easily identified in Egyptian artistic sources.  As with many aspects of Egyptian life there is a dichotomy concerning vultures.  On the one hand, the ancient Egyptians linked the birds with terror because they were seen picking at the flesh of dead animals, yet, because the Egyptians observed the excellent motherly instincts of the females, they also associated vultures with maternal care.  Indeed, the ancient Egyptian word for mother includes a vulture hieroglyphic sign; a vulture hieroglyphic sign, carved in stone, can be seen in fig. 4.

fig. 4: depiction of vulture, the
White Chapel/kiosk, Karnak

Vultures are particularly associated with two protective goddesses: Nekhbet, who gave protection principally to the king of Egypt and also to his subjects and Nut, the sky goddess.  As we can see in fig. 5, a Lappet-faced vulture, here representing the sky goddess Nut, is giving eternal magical protection to the deceased within the coffin by grasping the hieroglyphic sign for ‘infinity’ or ‘forever’; this species of vulture, being extremely powerful, is well-chosen to carry out this important task.

fig. 5: lappet-faced vulture offering protection
on shoulder of cartonnage coffin

Water birds: ibis and waterfowl

Nowadays, modern travellers will not see the Sacred ibis in Egypt due to the changes in their favoured habitat.  They do, however, continue to nest in the Sudan.

The ibis was associated with Thoth, the god of wisdom, learning and writing (fig. 6); as it was believed that Thoth gave Egyptians the skills to read and write so this species is termed the Sacred ibis because of this link with writing, an art which the Egyptians regarded as absolutely sacred. The other species of ibis known from ancient sources are the Hermit ibis and the Glossy ibis.

fig. 6: statue of Thoth

fig. 7: a conical-shaped ibis mummy

Like the falcons mentioned above, ibis birds were mummified in great numbers.  This testifies to their importance in religious beliefs and, indeed, the Greek author Herodotus tells of a royal decree threatening the death penalty for anybody who killed a sacred ibis or a sacred falcon (Herodotus, Book II, 65). The majority of these ibis mummies were linen-wrapped in decorated conical shapes (see fig. 7) and were often inserted into specially prepared pottery jars.  To note a case in point: excavations at Tuna al-Gebel (near Ashmunein, the ancient town of  Hermopolis, with the well-known temple to Thoth) has revealed the presence of thousands of ibis mummies.

Waterfowl, including wild and domestic species of ducks and geese, were popular items at the table.  Evidence suggests that the ancient Egyptians actively bred them to bulk up the numbers of those taken from the wild and this would seem to have been of prime importance to the environment, to go by the numbers recorded as part of temple offerings; Ramesses III, for example, donated over 430,000 individual waterfowl to temples during his thirty-one year reign.  Classic authors, such as Diodorus Siculus, writing in the First century AD, describe Egyptian poulterers artificially incubating eggs, in that they

‘raise them by their own hands, by virtue of a skill peculiar to them, in numbers beyond telling…..’ (Diodorus Siculus, Book I, 74)

Ducks, as well as being food items, were often incorporated into Egyptian art – on tomb ceilings and as cosmetic unguent holders.  The example in fig. 8 is a particularly delightful wooden container in the form of a rather ‘squashed’ looking duck – like the hieroglyphic sign (see Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Section G: Birds, sign 54).  It has been suggested that images of ducks may also allude to female sexuality and fertility.

fig. 8: a beautifully carved depiction of a duck
in the form of a cosmetic container

Reverence of the goose in Egypt can be attested far back in time – it was believed that the goose (termed ‘the great cackler’) fathered the primordial egg from which the sun was ‘hatched’.  Again, the Egyptians were very observant of their environment with regard to the behaviour of geese.  The Nile goose is a temperamental creature and often caused damage to growing crops.  A scribal writing exercise states that

‘it (the Nile goose) spends the summer ravaging dates, the winter destroying the seed grain  ……. one cannot catch it by snaring …… one does not offer it in the temple ……’

On this rather ‘cackling’  note, I shall end these brief notes on Egyptian birds – but it is clear that a lot more can be said about these intriguing members of the natural world.

images: courtesy Joyce M. Filer

THE RUIN OF MUMMIES

Recently, I gave a talk at Bart’s Pathology Museum in London on the Victorian attitude towards ancient Egyptian mummies.  The event was sponsored by Hendricks , the gin manufacturers.

In  the 18th century London, gin was often termed ‘mother’s ruin’, due to its then apparently deleterious effects on the health of its consumers, and women in particular.  So it seemed apposite that the title ‘Mummy’s Ruin’ be given to the talk and this article, which is a record of some of my comments made during the talk.  After you read about what happened to some of these mummies I feel the title ‘The Ruin of Mummies’ may also be appropriate!

I would like to thank Hendricks for supporting the event so ably, though, in no way can they be blamed for the ruin of some ancient Egyptian mummies, described below.

Like many people of today, the Victorians were fascinated by ancient Egyptian mummies and they yearned to discover the secret of their preservation.  How the Victorians went about investigating these mummies, however, was radically different to the research approaches undertaken nowadays.  This article will outline the early European experience of Egyptian mummies and how some Victorians dealt with mummies, including a peek at two rather interesting examples.

Mummies in Theatre

Europe’s awareness of ancient Egyptian mummies can be demonstrated from centuries ago; a perusal of early English plays, for example, testifies to this.  In Shakespeare’s Macbeth we read of ‘witches’ mummy, maw and gulf’ (note 1), whilst Webster wrote:

               ’Your followers

                Have swallowed you like mummia, and, being sick,

                With such unnatural and horrid physic,

                Vomit you up in the kennel…’  (note 2)

Thus, it is clear that Europe by this time already had an association with Egyptian mummies and had developed a belief in their curative powers, for bits of ancient Egyptian mummies were being ingested!  The term mummy is actually derived from mumia, a medieval Latin word (borrowed from a medieval Arabic word), meaning a corpse preserved by embalming.

Mummies as Medicine

Medieval Europeans associated the seemingly incorruptible nature of these mummies with the ability to confer longevity and good health.  If these ancient people could ‘exist’ (through their mummification) into the then ‘modern’ era(s) then surely they contained the secret of life – this was the medieval way of thinking.  Surely, they thought,  these ancient preserved individuals could cure illness and disease!  It was not unusual for medieval physicians to prescribe the ingestion of mummies as a medicine.  One such man was Ambrose Pare, a 16th century French surgeon who treated several French monarchs.  He was a pioneer in his field and yet, like many doctors of his time, offered practical treatment together with the philosophy that God had an important part to play in the healing process. He is said to have used mummy in his treatments – seemingly he associated the bituminous materials on mummies with antiseptic properties, which it actually does have.  Centuries before Pare, the polymath Avicenna (Ibn Sena) wrote over forty treatises on aspects of medicine and he clearly had great faith in the curative powers of mummies.  Living in the late 10th century, he prescribed mumia (mixed with wine or oil or milk) as a cure for a great number of ailments including fractures, abscesses, disorders of the stomach, liver and spleen and also as an antidote to poisons.

Even royalty believed in the curative powers of mummy medicine.  History records that the French monarch Francoise I rarely ventured far without a small pouch containing a mixture of mummy powder and pulverised rhubarb, so strongly did he believe in the mixture’s efficacy in curing a large range of ailments – from bruising and headaches to major diseases!  Interestingly, modern research indicates that rhubarb does indeed benefit health, being useful for improving the digestive system, lowering cholesterol levels and boosting the immune system but, whether or not Francoise knew this is not recorded; restoration of health through eating bits of ancient dead bodies, however, has yet to be proven!

The practice of using ground up mummy parts was not, however, without its critics.  In the late 16th century, the traveller, writer and ordained priest, Richard Hakluyt, complained :

‘these dead bodies are the Mummy which the Phisistians and Apothecaries doe against 

                              our willes make us to swallow….’

Nevertheless, this interest in the ‘power’ of Egyptian mummies promoted the procurement of them – merchants would import them and even travel to Egypt to purchase them.  Unfortunately, hundreds of these mummies were taken apart when the presence of valuable jewellery, amulets and papyrii within the wrappings was realised and, as a consequence of this, there was a ready supply of mummified body parts to be used in medicines (figs. 1 and 2); this  eagerness to procure Egyptian mummies continued into the 20th century.

fig. 1: mummified hand with beautifully manicured nails

fig. 2: mummified hand, left-over from an unrolling?

Even more bizarre was the fact that, so smitten was Europe with purchasing Egyptian mummies that, ‘fake’ mummies were bought and brought into Europe.  Business-minded (modern) 19th and 20th century Egyptians and foreign merchants actually buried recently deceased Egyptians in the hot sands of Egypt to dry them out and later dug them up and sold them as the genuine ancient Egyptian article!  These were then used in the mummy-for-medicine trade. Incidentally, whole mummies were also used on railways, as a cheap form of fuel; mummy parts were also a basic ingredient in the composition of oil paint known as mummy brown (fig. 3) and because of their colour mummy parts were incorporated into the making of brown wrapping paper.

fig. 3: 19th century artists used an oil paint of this colour named mummy brown

Mummies and Napoleon

In the late 18th century, Napoleon Bonaparte initiated a survey of ancient Egyptian artefacts, including monuments, works of art and, of course, mummies.  The expedition which undertook this mammoth task included leading scientists, geologists and naturalists, amongst many. The findings of this survey were published in 1809 as Description de l’Egypte and even further brought the presence of mummies to the attention of Europeans. The work, originally in many volumes, features carefully executed engravings of the items surveyed.  Many of the mummies found were brought into Europe – but what happened to them?

Mummies and Victorian England

In the 19th and 20th centuries it was not unusual for a wealthy family to own an Egyptian mummy; often they were exhibited in the family library, or elsewhere, for visitors to admire.  As stated above, it is clear the Victorians and Edwardians were keen to discover how these mummy packages were put together.  The fashion arose whereby guests would be invited to the home of a mummy owner (fig. 4), perhaps for a meal, with the entertainment being the investigation of a mummified body.  These events were termed ‘mummy unrollings’ as there was an attempt to denude the mummy of it’s linen wrappings.  Nowadays, such practices might be termed an autopsy or dissection for, inevitably, the body within was taken apart in the attempt to discover it’s secrets of longevity. Many hundreds of mummies were destroyed this way, never to be seen again; rarely were records of these unrollings kept and so the information is lost to us forever.  It was not unusual for pieces of linen wrappings, bits of bones and other body parts and items found within the mummy packages to be given to those attending the unrolling event (fig. 5).

fig.5: mummy unrolling.
See note 3 below

fig. 4: invite to mummy unrolling
Copyright: Prof. G.T. Martin

The presence of fashionably dressed society ladies in oil paintings of the time clearly underline the ‘entertainment’ value of the event (note 3). Fortunately, however, on a few occasions, the ‘unrollers’ wrote down their thoughts and findings.

One notably recorded mummy autopsy took place in London, in April, 1825.  In 1821, the mummy of a female together with its (probable) inner coffin, had been purchased by Sir Archibald Edmonstone, for 4 dollars.  Edmonstone donated the mummy and coffin to Augustus Granville, a noted physician and obstetrician to the Duke of Clarence.  Granville undertook a public autopsy of the mummy before an audience of the Royal Society of London and he published his findings in 1825 (note 5).  Following his dissection of the mummy, Granville mounted specimens taken from the body and mounted them in a specially designed box containing trays (fig. 6) and a drawer to hold the samples (note 6).

fig. 6: a tray from the Granville box displaying body parts

In his publication, Granville imagined that the lady had lived during the time of the Middle Kingdom king Sesostris I,  however, a modern examination of her coffin indicated that it had been made during the Persian period of Egyptian history, a much later date in time – but still very ancient; suggesting that the woman was alive at about 600 BC.  Granville’s examination revealed that the:

 ‘female of which we are speaking, died at an age between fifty and fifty-five years; that  

she had borne children; and that the disease which appears to have destroyed her was ovarian

dropsy attended with structural derangement of the uterine system generally…’  (note 7)

However, in the 1990s , analyses of lung tissue contained in one of the sample trays indicated she had died of pneumonia and an examination (note 8) of the extant reproductive organs (held in one of the trays) indicated  the presence of a benign tumour, not life threatening to the lady but certainly one of the earliest examples of a soft tissue tumour in medical history!  Further publications on this autopsy are soon to be available.

Another interesting example of the Victorian (or Edwardian) treatment of mummies produced a very interesting project for the author. This paragraph will be brief, as the full version is due to be published (note 9).  Some years ago, a mummy and a coffin arrived in London to be sold at auction.  The author was asked to examine and report upon the contents.  The coffin contained a mummy but this had been plundered some time previously (evidence for this is being further investigated) with the body having been ripped apart at the midriff area.  Most of the bones were extant and so the body was re-articulated; an anthropological report on the remains is to be published (also note 8).  Of pertinence to this article is the fact that it was clear that the mummy’s face had been altered, probably in Victorian (or Edwardian) times.  The linen wrappings covering the face had been cut out in an oval shape revealing the then mummified visage – over time the skin had decayed and fallen off, leaving merely the bony skull poking out of the wrappings; an attempt to make the mummy more acceptable to the then modern audience? This seems likely as the mummy and coffin were probably displayed upright in the European owner’s home!

Nowadays, mummies are not generally unrolled or autopsied in order to discover their secrets; CT scanning, a non-invasive method of examining bodies, is a costly but preferred method. The author has had the privilege of leading many projects CT scanning ancient Egyptian mummies; for example, some brief notes on the examined mummy of a man named Artemidorus can be seen elsewhere on this site (note 10) and, in due course, further reports on my findings in a number of mummies will be published (see also note 9).

This article, hopefully, has briefly outlined some of the issues concerning the ruin of ancient Egyptian mummies.

Notes and references:

1. Macbeth, 4:1:23.

2.The White Devil, i. 1, 143.

3. Every effort has been made to trace the copyright holder of this image. If the copyright holder would contact me then I would be happy to acknowledge/edit my article accordingly.  Also, a particularly fine example of such an oil painting can also be seen in Joyce Filer (1995), Disease, London: British Museum Press, colour plate IV.

4. Granville reported that there was no outer coffin; nowadays, only the lid is extant

5. Augustus Bozzi Granville, 1825, An Essay on Egyptian Mummies; with observations on the art of embalming among the ancient Egyptians, London: Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society.

6. I would like to thank the Trustees of the British Museum for kindly allowing me to examine and record the extant samples of this mummy during my time there.

7. Granville, ibid, 1825, p. 298

8. by Dr. E. Tapp, a specialist in morbid anatomy examination

9. This mummy, together with other fascinating examples, is to be published in Joyce M. Filer, Beneath The Bandages: essays on ancient Egyptian Mummies, Rutherford Press, forthcoming

10. see Archive June 2012 post: Artemidorus: an ancient murder mystery?

SOME NOTES ON HEALTH PROBLEMS in ancient Egypt and Nubia

Part One: Problems with teeth

In Book 2 of The Histories, by the Greek author Herodotus, we are informed that in ancient Egypt there were doctors to treat each specific part of the body: the specialists!   Of physicians we read:

 ‘Some are eye-doctors, some deal with the head, others with the

teeth or the belly……’

Of course, it is important to note that Herodotus was writing during the Fifth century BC and so his comments may only be relevant to that period of history.  However, the decoration on a wooden panel in the Cairo Museum, dating to the Third Dynasty (ca. 2686-2613 BC) a much earlier era, shows the figure of Hesire, of whom the accompanying inscription indicates that he was a Chief of Dentists and Physicians, seemingly giving support to these comments made by Herodotus, suggesting that there was a much earlier practice in specilialised medical practices.

Yet, examinations of the teeth of the ancient Egyptian dead clearly indicate that, if there really were any specialist dentists, then they would have been fully employed for, if truth be told, a notable number of the rich and powerful of ancient Egypt certainly had need of such help;  many  kings (the mummy seemingly identified as that of Amenhotep III, for example) and members of their families had quite an appalling range of dental conditions.  Let’s take a look at some of these problems.

Attrition, the wearing down  of the tooth’s surface, is a common feature of ancient Egyptian teeth (fig. 1).

fig. 1: ancient Egyptian skull, attrition (wear on the tooth surfaces) can be seen on the maxillary teeth.

Traditionally, this attrition has been attributed to grit and silica particles observed in ancient bread.  The idea being that as the molar teeth masticate bread the particles of sand are trapped between the biting surfaces of the teeth thus causing damage.  However, as the frontal teeth (incisors) are often seen to be worn down in many ancient Egyptian dentitions, perhaps another cause for attrition could be postulated? Perhaps we should question whether or not , as in some ancient (and even some modern) cultures, the Egyptians used their jaws and teeth as tools – perhaps regularly holding items (artists’ brushes, for example) between the teeth – this might affect the appearance of the tooth surface.

Whatever the actual cause of attrition there can be no doubt that it can lead to other dental conditions.  If teeth are worn down then eventually the inner pulp is exposed.  Thus, infections can set in causing further complications such as abscesses (fig. 2).

fig. 2: ancient Nubian mandible, showing abscess beneath an incisor.

Many  modern people know the agony of dental abscesses, the experience would certainly have been no less enjoyable for the ancient Egyptians.  Luckily, people today have the benefit of an experienced dental profession and soothing medicants but, what was the situation in ancient times?

Some researchers have suggested that the doctor in ancient times would have drilled a hole in the jaw close to the site of the abscess and they have cited examples of perfectly round holes ‘bored’ into human jaws as proof.  Certainly, this would have been a useful, but painful, way of relieving the agony  of a dental abscess.  However, what is often not  taken into account is the fact that ‘Mother Nature’ may play her part in relieving the situation.  Sometimes the pressure of infected pus within the abscess can build up to a pitch whereby it can only move in one of two directions.  The most beneficial movement being through the bone of the affected jaw.  In this situation the loss of the tooth is likely and, most interestingly, this ‘procedure’ leaves a perfectly round hole as evidence of the event (fig. 3) – this I feel is what has caused researchers to believe in the drilling of holes in jaws!

fig. 3: drawing, showing round hole as a result of evacuated pus.

Incidentally, the second direction or option for the infected pus is to not  burst through the bone but travel through the blood system, possibly causing death. The most likely direction of movement here would be towards the brain; personally, I feel that abscesses, as an unseen cause of death in ancient Egyptian individuals, is vastly under explored!

In my experience it seems that it was the more wealthy people in ancient Egypt who were more likely to experience unpleasant dental conditions.  A prime example is that of the mummy currently identified as the pharaoh Amenhotep III, noted above.   His body (if  it is him, note 1) is almost a ‘catalogue’ of dental problems: abscesses, worn teeth, gum diseases and broken or missing teeth.  For this extremely wealthy man, and others like him, it is likely that an overly rich diet contributed to poor dental health.  I am not saying that the poorer members of society always had good teeth but, in some ways, their more basic diet may have circumvented some of these dental conditions.  The wealthy owned cattle and had easy access to meat and other rich items in their diet which can affect the health of their teeth.

These are just some brief notes on a few aspects of dental health in ancient Egypt (note 2) – there is much more to say but I think this gives readers an idea of the situation.

Notes:

1.  Some researches still consider that many of the royal mummies of ancient Egypt have been wrongly identified.  The majority of these mummies were not found in their own tombs but had, in antiquity, been moved  to secret caches to prevent further desecration of the bodies by tomb robbers.

2.  For further information see: Joyce Filer (1995), Disease, London: British Museum Press, chapter 7.

FAMINE IN ANCIENT EGYPT (and Nubia): what is the evidence?

by Joyce Filer                               

(formerly Curator for Human & Animal Remains, Dept. of Ancient Egypt & Sudan, British Museum)

This article serves as a general background to the evidence for famine in various periods of ancient Egyptian history.

To many people ancient Egypt is not a civilisation linked to food shortages.  In antiquity, Egypt was renowned for its agricultural success, so much so that, in later periods, the country was desired by the Romans as a provider of grain.  Agricultural productivity  was linked to an effective inundation of the River Nile.  Every year, the combined forces of the Blue Nile originating in East Africa and the White Nile flowing north from central Africa, flooded the river banks of Egypt depositing rich, black mud on the land; farmers encouraged the further spread of the waters by digging irrigation channels and this practice continues today (fig. 1).  Following the lowering of the flood  waters, seeds were planted and the ensuing crops eagerly awaited (fig. 2).  However, on the occasions when the Nile flooded either too much or inadequately, crop failure would occur and it seems that there were periods of famine.

fig. 1: modern Egyptian irrigation channels: © J. Filer

fig. 2: modern Egyptian farming scene: © J. Filer

However, for a culture clearly so keen on recording daily life events, there are relatively few references to famine and starvation in terms of artwork and texts.  Interestingly, examinations of ancient Egyptian and Nubian skeletons seems to suggest there could be biological evidence possibly demonstrating famine and starvation.  Let us examine the sources.

Artistic and textual evidence for famine

Recording information in ancient Egypt was really a way of expressing an ideal state and perpetuating desired order.  By actually recording episodes of starvation and famine, the failure of the authorities to provide food for the people would have been demonstrated, and this surely would have been a foolish political admission by the ruling classes.  This may account for why we have relatively few records, artistically and textually, of famine and starvation.

Probably the best known artistic representations of starvation from ancient Egypt are these shown on the causeway leading to the valley temple of King Unas (Wenis).  Dating to about 2,500 BC, the scenes show emaciated figures with protruding ribs and pained facial expressions (fig. 3).

fig. 3: possibly starving people, Unas pyramid: © J. Filer

It is now thought that these scenes do not depict Egyptians but perhaps people then living on the edges of Egyptian society – that they were Beja people has been suggested.  Whatever their identification, it is clear that they are under stress and it is possible they may have come further into Egypt in order to obtain food and thence their suffering was recorded by Egyptian artists.

A text carved on a granite boulder on Sehel Island ( near the first cataract) has been termed The Famine Stele because it includes references to food shortages.  The text, purporting to be a decree from the Third Dynasty king Djoser, records the king’s concerns that the Nile’s poor performance for seven years has caused widespread food shortages:

 ’I was despondent upon my throne, and those in the palace were in grief.  My heart was extremely sad since the Inundation had not come on time for a period of seven years. Grain was scarce, the kernels dried out, everything edible was in short supply.’

 Whilst it is possible that the decree is recording actual times of hardship, it is unclear as to when the events actually occurred for examination of the text’s language (grammar, vocabulary) indicates that it was, in fact, composed during the Ptolemaic period but set in the earlier Old Kingdom period.

Information from texts in the tomb of Ankhtifi at Moalla, however, offers information with a more secure date.  The First Intermediate Period, at the end of the 3rd millenium BC), in Egypt seems to have been a time of political troubles. The kings of Egypt of the time were based in Herakleopolis but evidence indicates that, due to a rising development whereby local officials became governors, or rulers, of their particular regions, the Herakleopolitan kings held only a loose power over much of the country.  We have tomb autobiographies of some of these local governors such as those of Ankhtifi at Moalla and Hetepi at Elkab; that of Ankhtifi is particularly useful in terms of examining evidence for famine.

Ankhtifi was the governor of the nome (or province) of Nekhen which he controlled from his home in the town of Moalla (ancient Hefat).   Due to his political abilities he was able to expand his control over two other provinces – Edfu (ancient Khuu) and Elephantine (ancient Ta-Sety) and from this was able to challenge Theban authority over Upper Egypt.   Accounts of Ankhtifi’s battles, his confederation of three provinces and the subsequent success of the Theban forces can be read in detail elsewhere, however, what is particularly useful to this discussion is the information Ankhtifi gives us about food deprivation.

A tremendous famine hits the whole region of southern Upper Egypt, affecting Akhtifi’s province and that of other local rulers – as evidenced by the funerary inscriptions of some of these governors.   Ankhtifi tells us

            ‘Upper Egypt was dying of hunger; every man was eating his children’

Ankhtifi’s immediate response is to release food from his stock-piled food supplies, firstly to aid his own area, in which he states ‘nobody died of hunger in this nome’ and then more widely to other parts of Upper Egypt.  There can be little doubt that Akhtifi was a saviour to many Egyptians at this time!

Biological evidence for famine

When an individual undergoes periods of stress – perhaps due to famine or febrile illnesses – evidence may be left as markers in the bones.  It is suggested that lesions in the eye sockets and on the parietal bones of the skull may be a record of such stress.  Some researchers have proposed that these markers are indicators of iron deficiency anaemia, possibly linked to an inadequate diet, however, it should be stated immediately that others do not subscribe to this theory.  It is also important to note that it has also been suggested that this expression of ‘anaemia’ may confer cross-immunity to malaria.  This is an important issue to consider in areas where malaria is part of daily life.

Traditionally, it is stated that children show more of these ‘anaemic’ lesions than adults and, amongst adults, females show more lesions than males.  This has led some researchers to suggest that this pattern reflects food distribution in society – that adults get more (and better) food than children and that males in society receive better food than females (and children); but, can we so easily force this explanation onto ancient Egyptian society?  – I am not so sure!  There are actually several issues here: who gets the food, how much does he/she receive and, perhaps most importantly, is it the food received nutritious?  In theory, you can receive lots of food but if the food does not contain the correct nutrients then you might still display signs of malnutrition.  This calls to mind information I was told by a doctor concerning a boy (with parents of quite considerable financial means) who was hospitalised with severe malnutrition and who appeared almost at the point of starvation.  It turned out that the boy was seemingly eating large amounts of food but, as it was found out, his parents were often away on business leaving him with a carer and stubbornly (as children often are!) the boy had insisted on choosing his own food – eating only crisps, chips and so on!  He became very undernourished and ill but recovered upon receiving a more nutritious diet.

Certainly in keeping with distribution patterns in other ancient cultures, ancient Egypt and Nubia show similar traits in that more children than adults show these ‘anaemic’ lesions and that more females than males exhibit the lesions.  Let us now consider these lesions (or markers) and illustrate them with examples from various periods of Egyptian and Nubian history.

The lesions which appear in the upper eye sockets are termed cribra orbitalia (fig. 4).

fig. 4: lesions in eye sockets, Nubian child: © J. Filer

The example in figure 4 is that of a sub-adult from Gabati (now in modern Sudan).  Dating to the post-Meroitic period of Nubian history, the child was only one of many individuals from the site exhibiting such lesions.  The markers can be assessed in terms of their severity (mild, severe) and in terms of their different shape formations, as in figures 5 & 6.

fig. 5: eye lesions, Egyptian adult: © J. Filer

fig. 6: eye lesions, Egyptian adult: © J. Filer

Tests undertaken on soft tissue (brain) material have revealed that many groups in ancient Nubia existed on a diet largely of sorghum wheat.  Whilst such groups may not have ‘gone hungry’, there are relatively little nutrients in the diet and so these markers may reflect not actual famine but rather inadequate nutrition.

The lesions which appear on the parietal bones of the skull are often termed porotic hyperostosis and, again, are categorised according to their size and shape.  Individuals may exhibit lesions in both the eye sockets and the parietal bones or solely in the eye sockets or solely on the skull bones.  An 11th dynasty female skull (fig. 7), on display in the British Museum, is thought to be that of a high-ranking Egyptian individual.

fig. 7: 11th dynasty female, detail of skull: © J. Filer

Due to her high position in society, we might suppose that she did not want for food yet this woman’s parietal bones show clear evidence of the lesions termed porotic hyperostosis – it may well be that, despite her wealthy position in society, the food she ate was not nutritious enough.  Alternatively, it may be an indication that she suffered from bouts of febrile illnesses as a child which then left a record in her skull bones.

Whilst it is interesting to examine individuals from the past it is more useful to examine large groups of skeletons  then you can see what biological patterns are emerging to explain ‘behaviours’ in ancient times.  From my examinations of many series of Egyptian and Nubian human remains it is quite clear that these two types of lesions can be easily demonstrated – but it is the reason for their occurance which is open to debate.  If, as can be demonstrated, many individuals in a cemetery exhibit such markers (either in the orbits, on the parietals or both) then this might suggest some widespread ‘catastrophe’ – such as food shortage over many years, but there may be other reasons of which we are not aware!

To end on a further note of caution – research suggests that these lesions might obliterate during an individual’s lifetime so that some individuals may not show such markers, especially adults who live to a reasonable age.  Thus, clearly, the situation of  cribra orbitalia and porotic hyperostosis  indicating episodes of famine is a complex one demanding further research.

All illustrations courtesy and © of the author.

The Hunter’s Helpmeet? Comments on Nebamun’s cat.

The Hunter’s Helpmeet? Comments on Nebamun’s cat. Cats and ancient Egypt – in the public imagination the two go together and, when we look at the available sources, there was certainly an evident relationship between felines and the ancient Egyptians – in society and in religion.

What types of evidence can we examine to understand this relationship?  In Egyptology, the study of ancient Egypt, we are very fortunate that a huge range of sources have survived to tell us about so many aspects of ancient Egyptian life – texts, works of art (including tombs paintings, statuary and jewellery) and biological remains.  In this brief article I shall describe and comment upon a particular tomb painting in relation to cats in ancient Egyptian society.

Currently on display in the Nebamun galleries in the British Museum is one of the world’s most famous depictions of a cat in an ancient Egyptian context (fig. 1). Emanating from a now lost tomb, the piece in question originally formed part of the wall decorations of the tomb owner – believed to be a man named Nebamun.  It is thought that Nebamun held the somewhat modest position of ‘scribe and counter of grain’ but he must have attained success for he was able to commission both a tomb-chapel for himself and these lovely wall paintings to decorate it;  the other extant paintings (also in the British Museum) include scenes depicting a garden pond, people partying and a bird count.  Fragments of other scenes are now in other museums such as Cairo and Berlin.  Whilst, as stated, we do not now know exactly where Nebamun’s tomb was situated it is thought to have been constructed in the Theban area (modern Luxor)  and probably dates to about 1350 BCE.

fig. 1. Nebamun in the marshes. © J. Filer

At first, when we look at this tomb painting, the relationship between Nebamun and the accompanying cat seems clear -  the tomb owner stands in his papyrus skiff attempting to bring down birds with a throwstick and, nearby, a cat holds birds in his claws and mouth.  Let’s examine this situation closer, perhaps all is not what it seems?

Firstly, it is clear that the scene does not, logically, represent real life, to whit: Nebamun is far too large to be standing in a relatively small boat and, as the boat is also carrying his wife (named Hatshepsut) and daughter, such a vessel could not possibly have supported the weight of all these people -  in real terms it would simply overbalance and possibly sink!  A comparison can be made with modern versions of these papyrus boats (fig. 2) – they are strong but within limits!  So what is happening here?  The depiction of individuals as proportionately over-large is an artistic device often employed by the ancient Egyptian artist to highlight the importance of certain people in a scene.  The fact that the scene seems illogical would not worry the ancient Egyptians – it is the message that is all important.  The message here is that Nebamun is the most important person depicted – it is his tomb and he has paid for the scenes to be painted.  We do not know whether or not he actually engaged in the sport of fowling in the marshlands – certainly many ancient Egyptians did  but, it is a popular and common image depicted in their tombs whether they engaged in the sport or not!  Further, we do not know whether or not the family accompanied father on such adventures!  Such images are symbolic of the tomb owner (and his family) having achieved their desired goal – being reborn in the afterlife.

fig. 2. modern papyrus skiff. © J. Filer

The second point about this tomb painting, and that most relevant to this article, is to consider the cat itself (fig. 3).  Here it is depicted in full hunting mode, clutching birds with the front and back claws and grasping a bird in its jaws.  Studies of depictions of cats in tombs (and in statuary) and of biological remains strongly indicate the species of cats most readily available in ancient Egyptian society: Felis lybica sylvestris and Felis chaus.  Occasionally, studies of cat mummies have also suggested the presence of the remains of the serval.  It seems clear that the two main species of cat entered Egyptian society by being attracted to the many rats and mice attacking stored grain.  The ancient Egyptians encouraged this behaviour, possibly by offering further food and shelter, and so a symbiotic relationship was formed – to the mutual benefit of both parties!  It now seems likely that Felis lybica was the main progenitor of the ancient Egyptian domesticted cat.  However, there is a conundrum here, in relation to this tomb painting  – this is related to the natural habitat of both species.

fig. 3. cat with birds (detail). © J. Filer

Felis sylvestris lybica, a smaller faced and relatively more ‘chunky’ type of cat, is often referred to as a sand cat in that it prefers to live in the drier areas of Egypt.  Felis chaus, the relatively bigger cat with a longer body and longer face, prefers a wetter habitat, the marshy areas of Egypt.  However, if we study the image of the cat in Nebamun’s fowling expedition it is clearly Felis sylvestris lybica which is represented thus, we have a sand-loving cat in a water environment!  There are a number of suggestions to account for this: that Nebamun had a sand-loving cat but took it with him on his hunting trips, or, perhaps, that the ancient Egyptian artist having been told to depict the tomb owner’s cat had never seen it and so depicted a type of cat he had seen – a sand-dwelling cat.

It was once suggested, by an eminent Egyptologist, that the cat was assisting his owner in retrieving fallen prey!  At this point, we might consider how ‘helpful’ cats can be in relation to humans? Do cats assist humans, as a dog might?  Many cat owners  will have their views on cat co-operation!

There is, of course another possibility that has not been considered – that the cat in question although being a sand-dweller had strayed further afield from it’s natural habitat  in the search for food and, upon espying Nebamun’s sporting activities, decided to purloin some of the catch!!!  This would be more in keeping with what we know of cat behaviour and may also indicate a humourous attitude from the ancient Egyptian artist in depicting such a scene, which he may have witnessed!!!!

To end this brief discussion, I must admit a slightly contradictory state of affairs to that I mention above in connection with ‘retrieving’  – in that, until recently, I had (I cannot say owned) a magnificent Abyssinian cat (fig. 4), a domestic cat of possible east African origins; it is sometimes postulated that  Abyssinians were one of the ancestors of modern domestic cats.  My Abyssinian actually retrieved (and returned to me) objects I had thrown for his amusement.

fig. 4. An Abyssinian cat. © J. Filer

However, I do not think I have destroyed here my own argument regarding cats lack of co-operation, as I believe my Abyssinian retrieved because he wanted to and not because he was assisting me – in any way whatsoever!!!

Artemidorus: an ancient murder mystery?

By Joyce M Filer

Admired by the public and museum warders alike, one of the most visited mummies in the British Museum is that of Artemidorus – a young man who lived and died in Egypt during the First century AD.  Living, as he did, under the Roman rule of Egypt, it is not surprising that the portrait of Artemidorus, inserted within the mummy’s linen wrappings, shows a distinctly Roman ‘feel’ (see fig.1).  The young man, about 21 years of age at death, wears a white toga and a wreath of gilded laurel leaves.  His name, however, is Greek reminding us that the Greeks ruled Egypt prior to the Roman take over.

fig. 1 mummy of Artemidorus, detail. © J. Filer

I was always curious about finding out more about this mummy and, through working as the Curator for Human and Animal Remains in the British Museum, I had the opportunity to study this fascinating example of ancient Egyptian embalming.  How did I do this?  Well, we are not allowed to unwrap mummies, or destroy mummies in any way, so I took him to be CT scanned at a local London hospital (see fig. 2).

fig. 2 Joyce Filer preparing mummy to be CT scanned. © J. Filer

The scans showed me that there was a complete body within the package and that it was a man.  Interestingly, he had died fairly young – at about 21 years of age.  How had he died?  Well, it is rare that we find out the cause of death for a person from antiquity but Artemidorus had a secret to tell me.  He had sustained massive blows to the back of his head. When I examined the scans I saw there were no signs of healing and so this damage had happened close to his death.  Was the ‘proverbial’ assault with a blunt instrument to blame? Was it murder?  Maybe.  However, I feel it may just as easily mean that the ancient Egyptian embalmers were less than careful when preparing the body – possibly they smashed him down onto the embalming table causing the back of the skull to crack!

If you want to find out more about this mummy and other fascinating examples look out for my new book “Beneath the Bandages” (Rutherford Press, forthcoming) which is all about the various mummies (human and animal) I have examined.